Saturday, June 25, 2016

I Shall Not Hate

By Izzeldin Abuelaish

This book is at the same time an autobiography that parallels the Bible’s Job and the Quran’s  أيّوب Ayyūb. It provides a working and modern day lessons that appears by all events in desperate need to finally be learnt.   To me a western reader that collects his information from a western press finds a paradigm shifting dose of reality in this story by Izzeldin Abuelaish.  I’ve actually gleaned a subtle shift in other books: Son of Hamas, Birds Without Wings, and the Israel Test come to mind.  The paradigm shift in those books was not as profoundly portrayed as in this book.  The shift is simple: Co-existence at grass-roots level.  Izzeldin’s message is proposed against very staunch realities. The story will climax with the reader having no choice but to face those realities as a citizen of humanity.  In reading the book I found myself fact checking on the internet to give a higher sense of the nuance of the cause of the problems in Israeli-Palestinian solution it’s helpful for the reader to have a glimpse of the timeline of events leading up to Izzeldin’s story.   I have one word for this Borders.

First was a clumsy affair led by once again the British and the French with Americans once again drawn in to the fray.  First is the 1916 Sykes Picot Agreement.   From that Agreement between the French and the British drew up the below map that was presented by TE Lawrence to the Eastern Committee of the War Cabinet in November 1918.  Notice how much of Palestine territory of that time crosses over in to Syria, Egypt, and Arabia for which a portion evolved to what is now called Jordon.  Have you ever wondered why you hear that the Palestinians were abandoned by her neighbors?

 

Specifically, in 1916 Britain and France concluded the Sykes-Picot Agreement which proposed to divide the Middle East between them into spheres of influence, with "Palestine" as an international enclave. The British made two potentially conflicting promises regarding the territory it was expecting to acquire. In the McMahon-Hussein of 1915 Britain had promised Hussein bin Ali, through T.E Lawerence, independence for an Arab country covering most of the Arab Middle East in exchange for his support,  (in the war against the German backed Ottomans) while also promising to create and foster a Jewish national home in Palestine in the Balfour Declaration of 1917. 
  
Then came is the small Israeli-Palestinian war that brought the birth of Israel and the below maps. While the Brits originally sided with Palestinian they stood aside.  Thanks to Google and a look at the maps below and contrast with the map above one has to ask what was in the deals made over those decades with the Emirates and Egypt that allowed Jordan, Lebanon, Syria to claim the lush green portion of what was once Palestine and leaving the largely barren brown portion for the Israelis and Palestinians to war with each other.  If it’s so hard to intermix cultures: Why can’t Palestinians simply coexist with fellow Arabs in Jordan, Syria or Egypt?  Why can’t they simply stay home and coexist with Israelis? Izzeldin explores this.  The book the Israel Test claims this was the case from 1949 to 1967.  In the book Son of Hamas, he claimed this case was somewhat true however there are many shades of grey.  In this book I Shall Not Hate, Izzeldin turns the grey turns in to black and white.



Here it is, 100 years later we find the divide between Israelis and Palestinians at fever pitch which finds the themes of oppression and violence. In the I Shall Not Hate you will learn of the systematic containment and oppression of Palestinians, primarily by Israel, but mostly ignored by the world at large.  In America, unless you listened to NPR this was under reported.  In the book you will read about Israeli military atrocities against Palestinians in Gaza and specifically Izzeldin’s family.  It is the result of a powerful army against a people with simple rockets, suicide bombers, and knives, and stones.  However death is death on either side of a boarder.  To experience death the way Izzeldin did makes one rethink this callous remark.  Amidst this cycle of violence, you will read about how people of the medical society bridge this senselessness; working hand in hand, eye to eye with a common theme…life. 
Izzeldin's proposition is simple and applies to Gaza and Israel but can be expanded to  world at large.  Let the history of post colonialism including the West, Egypt, and Arab nations be bygones.  They were clumsy affairs managed by the World Powers of the times where in their simple minds the solutions held the paradigm of boarders surrounding the right to self determination…. yeaah to Woodrow Wilson.  In Gaza boarders meant demoralizing border crossings, blockades, rocket launches that do not require passport control, and finally invasions called police actions.
So Izzeldin’s primary focus is coexistence.   Break down the border.  Through coexistence living neighbor among neighbor you find peace.  He claims coexistence must come first so that forgiveness found in the recognition of the dignity granted to fellow neighbor lays the bedrock for peace.  He says peace is not the absence of war, but rather neighbors allowing neighbor’s simple human rights to pursue their own dreams. 
We also find as part of Izzeldin’s solution is the end to oppression of women in the Muslim world.  Because Izzeldin loses his cherished daughters in such a violent over use of force, he recognizes that the only way to give any meaning to their deaths is to rise above hatred and the acts of revenge that follow.  He describes in his wife and daughters women who nurture mankind.  He suggests this ingredient is necessary for the cultural shift to occur across the Middle East.  At high level he suggests the West’s penchant for drawing boarders has only created wars.  The Middle East’s penchant for male dominance has left out the ingredient for peace found only in the nurturing culture of women.  His physicians trained mind sees peace as a person-to-person phenomena. 

I have two links:to share:



Excerpts:


Forward:  In earlier times, ordinary people on both sides were more militant and the governments were perhaps more inclined to search for a solution.  He believes that the situation is the reverse today:  from grass roots up, Palestinians and Israelis want to live in peace, to lead decent lives, to have roofs over their heads and safety for their children.

Page 2:  According to the United Nations, the Gaza Strip has the highest population density in the world.  The majority of its approximately   1.5 million residents are Palestinian refugees, man of whom have been living in refugee camps for decades; it is estimated that 8- percent are living in poverty.

Page 4:  As a physician, I would describe this cycl of taunting and bullying as a form of self-destructive behavior that arises whem a a situation is viewed as hopeless.

Page 5:  Their rallying cry is “Look over here, the level of suffering has to stop.”  But how can Gazans attract the attention of the international community?
My Comment: By contrast to a very similar situation in India, the reaction is very different.  There is not an effort to get world attention but rather a plan of how to put a community together.

Page 7:  But I maintain that revenge and counter-revenge are suicidal, that mutual respect, equality, and coexistence are the only reasonable way forward, and I firmly believe that this region of people who live in this region agree with me.

Page 17:  For me, it was an example of what  most families, most teenagers, and most scholars in the region want:  to find a way through the chaos in order to live side by side.
To meet terrorism with terrorism ofr violence with violence doesn’t solve anything
“We think as enemies; we live on opposite sides and never meet.  But I feel we are all the same.  We are all human beings.”
From the time I was a very small boy I have been able to find the good chapter of a bad story, and that has always been the attitude I try to bring to the considerable obstacles that have challenged me.

Page 35:  “The old will die and the new generations will forget.”  But look at the situation today: no one threw the Israelis into the sea, and the Palestinians didn’t forget.  However after six decades in which thel largets harvest in the region has been misunderstanding and hate, it is fair to say that forgetting the past is not the only issue; we need to say forgetting the past is not the only issue, we need to find ways to go forward together.
It is important to note that Palestinians are willing to coexist.  It’s the leaders on all sides that have proven incapable of facilitizing this.  The prime blocker for Oslo was yaser Arafat, for example.

Page 42:  Al Halaby, would become one of the most important mentors of my life.  He treated me like a son.  I learned from experience that you shouldn’t hate something you don’t know, because it may turn out to be the bearer of your greatest fortune.

Page 45 I hated myself for having to live like this, for not being able to change our circumstances no matter how hard I tried.  In my culture the responsibility carried by the eldest son is very heavy.
I railed against so many injustices when I was growing up, but today I llok back and am thankful for getting through it all, thankful for the teachers who saw a brighter future for me.

Page 46:  It is true that the sky was always beautiful, bit I don’t remember marveling at sunsets or gazing at the dawn of a new day.  Survival doesn’t allow for time for poetic reflection.  In those years I was focused on one thing:  getting an education and getting out of there.

Page 54:  I began to ask questions about discrimination:  Why are Israelis like this and we are like that?  How come there’s a difference in the way we are treated?  At last, at age twelve, I began to keep my eyes open in order to better understand the circumstances under which I was living.

Page 57:  But more than that, I was very impressed by the medical treatments, by the fact that there were drugs or therapies or other means to actuall alter the course of illness.  I could see that they were really helping people.  This was when and where my dream about becoming a doctor began.  I could see that if I became a doctor, it would be possible for me to improve the condition of my family and also to serve the Palestinian people.

Page 58:  That summer left a powerful impression on me in many ways.  That an Israeli family would hire me, treat me fairly, and show so much kindness toward me was completely unexpected.  The experience was made all the more unforgettable by the events that followed one week after my return to Gaza.

Page 62:  I was able to reflect on the second milestone in my life.  The paradox between the warm hospitality of the Israeli family who had employed me that summer and the brute force of Sharon’s Israeli soldier made me recognize that I had to commit myself to finding a peaceful bridge between divides.
Arab Palestinian people; it is an indivisible part of the Arab homeland, and the Palestinian people are an intregal part of the Arab nation.
I was very aware of the suffering of my people, but I also believed the weapon I needed was not a rock or a gun but an education so that I could fight for human right and help al Palestinian people.

Page 69:  I think unemployment and poverty contributed to what I would call an unhealthy 
manner of parenting.  Yet because she saw to it that we survived, we succeeded.
This personal coming together helped me realize that sometimes it’s better to look forward, to move into the future, rather than dwell on the past.  And there was so much to look forward to.  But I carried the questions that had dogged me since childhood into the wider world.  How come a Palestinian child does not live like an Israeli child?

Page 72:  I brought boys from my neighborhood to work with us and paid them as well as myself on contract rather than taking a salary.  That way you get more work done and, everyone works even harder because that can see the money be made.  I worked for him right up to the day I left for Cairo.  He even gave me a good-bye present.

Page 78  He had been a successful farmer, the son of a respected land owner, but then he 
was homeless, living in a refugee camp, raising his children there, working as a guard, never earning enough money.  It was humiliating for him.  I could feel his anxiety throughout my boyhood, and as my life began to improve at medical school in Cairo, I fealt guilty that my father hadn’t been able to be the role model to his children that he believed he should be.   The last days of his life were painfully difficult.
I still feel the grief of his passing in my heart.  So I will always do the three things that Muslims do for the dead:  share his knowledge and wisdom with others, pray for him, and give to charity in his good name.

Page 82:  the way the native-norn British sometimes looked down on people who weren’t British.  I noticed that superior attitude on the stree, in stores, and in community centers.  Happily if didn’t exist in the classroom , so it didn’t affect my studies in London.

Page 84:   We arrived in the midst of the continuing intifada.  There were Israeli guns and tanks at every corner.  Then, in the face of all madness, it turned into a fracticidal bloodbath as well.  An estimated one thousand Palestinians who were accused of collaborating with Israaelis were executed by our own people, even though in most cases there was no proof of collusion.  By the time the first intifada ended on August 20, 1993, with the signing of the Oslo Accordsw, more than 2,100 Palestinians were dead – 1,000 at the hands of brothers and 2,100 at the hands of Israeli soldiers.

Page 87:  While I was in Jerusalem, I decided to try to fine the Jewish family  I had worked for as a teenager.  I had been thinking about them for a long time but had never before tried to find their farm.  Since I had to drive from Jerusalem  back to Soroka, I decided this was the time to find the family who had had so much influence on me as a teenager; who had allowed me to see how small the differences actually were between the two peoples of the Middle East.

Page 88:  I was so happy to have found the family once again and to see that they were alive and well.   I was glad to have the chance to explain to them how much my summer at their farm meant to me:  that it had proved to me that Jews and Palestinians could behave as one family.
I wanted to show thm the affection, even love I had for them.  I know how much we can accomplish when we pull down the barriers that stop is from achieving our dreams.

Page 92:  I love my work because a hospital is a plave where huminaty can be discovered, where people are treated without racism as equals.

Page 94:  I did my share of pushing the envelop for coexistence even then by acting as an unofficial peace envoy for the region:  I would host groups of Israelis ay my home on in the homes of my friends one weekend every month.  We toured the Jabalia refugee camp and Gaza City, showed the the conditions people live in, let them experience the overcrowding, and allow plenty of time so they could talk to people, ask their own questions, and draw their own conclusion.  The we’d have coffee and sweets together – all of us, the Israelis and the Palestinians.  We’d discuss, and we’d argue.  These get-togethers brought home to me how similar we are when it comes to socializing.

Page 95:  Although it would get a lot worse later, many Palestinians couldn’t see any future for themselves.  They began to see their lives as useless.  And then, when one person goes crazy and becomes a suicide bomber, no one around him tries to preven the act  Instead, they all call him a hero.  That’s the way things got worse.

My comment:  He comes close to justifying suicide bombings, where earlier he condemns them.  I am sure he condemns them but has a sense of compassion for the desperation of the act of suicide bombing,  It’s a different picture most westerners have.  Westerners believe that suicide bombers are seduced by jihadists and there is no other motivation.
I wanted to go back to work in Israel and in order to protect myself, I consulted many Palestinians about whether or not I should.  I wanted to know if it was ethical.  The general consensus was, “Izzeldin, go to your work.  It’s beneficial for you, for us, for the Israelis.”

Page 96:  As the second intifada raged, each side was focusing on its own pain and blaming the other instead of realizing we have to recognize the rights of both peoples to live in harmony and peace; the alternative is war and distrust.

 Page 99:  I didn’t think twice about the opportunity because that’s the way I saw it:  As an opportunity to cross the bridge to get to the Jewish community.  This is precisely where the healing needed to begin.  I carefully prepared my message, wanting to make every single word count, I wasn’t nervous, but I was upset because I realized that they could only see themselves and didn’t want to see me or understand what I neede to tell them.

Page 100:  That’s how terrorism establishes its roots.  By finding its way among the disenfranchised, the disconnected, and the uneducated, it germinates fear, distrust, and intolerance.

Page 101:  Trust in the Middle East is such a rare commodity; it’s gasping for air.  The thing is, you cannot ask people to coexist by having one side bow their heads and rely on a solution that is good for the other side.  What you can do is stop blaming each other and engage in dialogue with one person at a time.
Instead, I talk to my patients, to my neighbors and colleagues – Jews, Arabs – and I find out they feel as I do: we are more similar than we are different, and we are all fed up with the violence.

As a physician who has practiced in Israel and Gaza, I see medicine as the bridge between us, just as education and friendship have been bridges.  We all know what to do, so who is stopping us?  Who is holding up the barrier between our two side?.  We need to reach each other by embracing one another’s realities, sending messages of tolerance rather than intolerance and healing instead of hate.

Page 105:  The health system in the Gaza Strip is fragmented; services are duplicated and poorly coordinated, so they don’t meet the needs of the people.  The United Nations still covers primary health care; the Palestinian Authority does the rest.
I confess I had come to the United States under the impression that Americans are arrogant people.    Living among them taught me not to judge people by the frustration you may have with their governments.  This was an open, competitive society that was built on concepts of success.  My time in Boston taught me that most Americans are kind people and good neighbors.    Judging them all as arrogant is the same as calling all Israelis occupiers and all Palestinians troublemakers.

Page 111:  I told my neighbors that I knew what was wrong and I knew how to fix it.  The health system- was on adequate.  Progress was determined only by who had the power to hand out jobs rather than by needs of the people.

Page 112:  AT the time, Hamas was not considered to be a contender; it was popular in  Gaza, but Fatah still seemed to be in charge.  I wanted to run as an independent..  Politics in Gaza are tribal, party-based, and entirely dependent on who’s paying your salary, I argued  that we needed to challenge all that and cultivate a people based form of politics where ordinary voters truly choose.  But Fatah assumed I was running on its ticket, and weighing all the costs and the consequences. I felt I’d better join forces with this party.
Suddenly, being elected wasn’t about who I was and what I stood for; it was about who I was connected to and what I would do for them.

Page 116:  Because Afghanistan was a conflict zone, the work schedule was six week on and ten days off.  The situation in the country was shocking, even to me.  Humanity was intimidated there.  The living conditions of most Afghan people reminded me of the descriptions or our villages a hundred years ago.  In Gaza we have an unstable situation and much deprivation, but our systems are far more advanced than the ones of Afghanistan.

My comment:  Gaza while being severely oppressed by Israel, they have a civil system created by Israel.  Such irony.

Page 117:  The situation had become complicated after the election.   Mahmoud Abbas was still the leader of the Palestinian Authority even though his Fatah party had been defeated.  Although the two sides tried to form a government, the union was on shaky ground from the start and the fighting between factions was growing worse.  It was brother against brother, and violence was spreading both in intensity and in range, until most of the Gaza Strip was involved in one way or another.   My country was in danger of imploding.

Page 118:  There was gun fire all around, shooting on every street.  With civil war you never know who the enemy really is.  I’d spent the last year in Afghanistan seeing the same confusion of tribal, political and ideological warfare.

Page 119:  Mohammed and some of his co-workers fed the base and his in a store, but Hamas ended up searching the store and found them.  They were  tied up, bindfolded,  beaten, and tortured.

Page 120:   I was heartbroken with the turn of events in Gaza.  How could we heal this new wound and cope with the resulting scar?  The Israelis were the enemy, butnow we’d become enemies inside our own house

Page 121:  The last decade has been a particularly disappointing period in this grinding conflict that keeps us apart.  Our leaders bicker like children, breaking promises, behaving like bullies, keeping the kettle of trouble boiling.  The people I talk to – patients, doctors, neighbors in Gaza, friends in Israel – are not like our leaders.  They worry about family as I worry about their families.

Page 126:  Our politicians bicker about who said what and who will recognize whom and then change their minds when a new slate of official is elected.
Palestinians face hardships in their daily lives; they are prevented from doing what makes up the daily fabric of most people’s co-existence.  They face a deep human crisis, where millions of people are denied their human dignity.  Not once in a while, but every day, and the people of Gaza are trapped and sealed off.  The humanitarian cost is enormous, people can barely survive, families unable to get enough food increased by 14 percent, and Palestinians are being trampled underfoot day after day.  In Gaza under siege, Palestinians continue to pay for conflict and economic containment with their health and livelihoods.

My comment:  He is spot on.  Americans see the Gazan Civil War first.  They only see violence of people in power.  We in the West do not at all hear loud enough the damage that is occurring as result of the blockade by the Israelis.

Page 128:   Some of the health issues have been addressed, some even solved.  But every time there’s a change of government on either side, the rules for transfer and treatment also change.  It’s a life-threatening situation that creates rage among those who have to endure it.

The Gazans depend on timely and reliable supply of medicines from the Palestinian Authority’s Ministry of Health in the West Bank, but the supply chain often breaks down.  Co-operation between the health authorities in the West Bank and Gaza is difficult.  Complex and lengthy Israeli import procedures also hamper the reliable suppy of even the most basic items such as pain killers, including people suffering from cancer or kidney failure, do not always get the essential drugs they need.

 My comment:   This is an internal problem that is exacerbated by the Israelis.  And the world turns a blind eye.

Page 131:  Humanitarian action can be no sunstitute for the credible political steps that are needed to bring about these changes.  Only an honest and courageous political process involving all States, political authorities and organized armed groups concerned can address the plight of Gaza and restore a dignified life to its people.  The alternative is a further descent into misery with every passing day.

Page 133:  Izzeldin says health care can be an important bridge between two peoples.  I agree with him.  It works because saving lives and not giving up and doing that over and over again gives the other side the opportunity to see the face of Israelis, not through rifles, but through health care.   People who were born and raised there come here for treatment.  They don’t know us.   They don’t know how sensitive we are about life.  They don’t know the real Israeli.  Palestinians are incited from birth.  They tell us that they never imagined we were human, that they thought we were monsters, conquerors, people who wanted to see them dead.  Then they’re treated by us and are surprised that those things are not true.

Page 134:  The majority of Israelis want to live side by side. I’m sure it’s that way with Palestinians as well.  But we’re led by extremists on both sides.    It’s so easy to incite the people with the misery they are in.
The important thing about bridging the divide is admitting the truth, the facts around people’s lives today.  For example, ‘the right of return’ – the topic everyone knows about but no one wants to discuss.  Hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were deported when Israel became a state.  Everyone knows this fact.

Page 137:  I grew up in Gaza watching the way decision making and the perseverance, but I understood that the women weren’t being given the opportunity to bring their own expertise to the table.  Women and girls are not able to rise to their potential in Gaza, and as a result they cannot participate to their fullest.

My comment:  This cultural problem has many tentacles.

Page 140:  I wanted to take them away from the tension that infects everyone like a virus in the Middle East.  Not forever – this is still my homeland.  But for a while – just to give the family a chance to grown up, to be together.  SO in August 2008, when I received a notice from the international organization babout health policy jobs in Kenya and Uganda and another one through the European Union in Brussels, I decided to book a ticket and find out if there was something out there in the wide world for me and my loved ones.

Page 145:   There I began gain, this time with Jordanian officials.  I presented my papers, including the visa for Jordan that I’d applied for weeks earlier, and was directed to a special window designated for Gazans.  I waited there for what felt like an eternity, especially in light of the flight I needed to catch in Amman.  A Palestinian designation on your papers is enough to warrant a very long wait wherever you are in this part of the world.

Page 150:  All it meant was another delay for me, as he tore up the arrest form he’d filled out and demanded that I signa a form saying that no one at his checkpoint had harmed me physically.  And to prove that he held the trump card, he announced that I had to go to Jericho – over thirty miles back from the checkpoint we were at – and start my return journey all over again.  What’s more, he instructed me to check in with the director of coordination for Israel in Jericho to get a new permit – mine has now expired.

Page 158: Many people stranded at the boarder like I was for days, weeks, even months.  Only the well-to-do can take advantage of accommodations available in the nearby Egyptian towns.  The others sleep on the ground just outside the boarder crossing.  You can imagine what sanitation is like in this situation.  It is normal to see hundreds of Palestinian travelers waiting to be allowed to cross, including women, old people, young men, and children, all with the same expression of gloom, frustration, impatience, and fatigue.

My comments:  A border crossing alone provides all the ingredients for an uprising.

Page 166:  Imagine your house being taken away from you by force, demolished before y
our very eyes.  How could a person not be in despair or not feel powerless, stripped of dignity, and incapable of differentiating between good and bad?  I’d seen further destruction as an adult when headquarters of the Palestinian Authority was blasted into smithereens by a barrage of shells.  How would we ever come back from this leathal attack on the men, women, and children – the innocent civilians of Palestine?  How could psychologists, sociologists, medical doctors, and economists rehabilitate the people who had come through the craziness of this annihilation?

Page 168:  At that moment, I felt that we had reached the bottommost depths of humanity and that noting remained ahead of us.  What remained was to count on God and our faith.  For three weeks during the war, we lost our belief in humanity, so God and each other were all we had left.

Page 176:  Bedroom furniture, schoolbooks, dolls, running shoes, and pieces of wood splintered in a heap, along with body parts.  Shatha was the only one standing.  Her eye was on her cheek, her body covered in bloody puncture wounds, her finger hanging by a thread of skin.  I found Mayar’s body on the ground, she’d  been decapitated.  There was brain matter on the ceiling, girl’s hands and feet on the floor as if dropped there by someone who had left in a hurry.  Blood spattered the entire room, and arms in familiar sweaters and legs in pants that belonged to these beloved children leaned at crazed angles where they had blown off the torsos.  I ran to the front doo for help but realized I couldn’t go outside because there were soldiers on the street.  A second rocket smashed into the room while I was at the door.

To this day I am absolutely certain about who was killed when.

Page 177:  The apartment was full of the dead and wounded.  Shatha was standing in front of me, bleeding profusely.  I was sure Ghaida had also been killed as there were wounds on every single part of her body and she lay still on the floor.  Nasasr had been struck by shrapnel in the back and was also on the floor.  I wondered who could help us, who could get us out of this catastrophe.

My comment:  As it turns out it was his Israeli friend, a reporter.

Page 181:  Soon enough arrived at Sheba – Ghaida airlifted from Ashqelon – to an enormous show of support from the staff I’d worked with , as well as passonate blessings from Arab, Muslim, Jewish, and Christian people in Israel who had been watching the drama unfold on television and had gathered in the hospital foyer to wait for us.

Page 183:  When I met with Izzeldin the next morning at the fospital, I was totally lost for words; I hadn’t any idea what to say to him.  But instead of me finding the words to encourage him, I found myself being encouraged by him.  His message was that his own personal disaster should serve as a kind of milestone, and from here we should do more for peace in order to prevent such a horrible thing from happening again.
We do humanitarian work. But that shouldn’t stop us from facilitating the conversation where what needs to be said is said.  I was attacked afterwards, mostly by the families of Israeli soldiers, because every single thing here that relates to Israel and Palestine is terribly sensitive.  However, my feeling is that I’m not just a manager or an administrator, I’m a leader, and I’m obliged to contribute vision and beliefs rather than simply execute instructions.  Even without declaring what I felt I should lead rather than be led.

Page 186: and I believe the Israeli soldiers were driven into overkill by groundless fear fostered by so many years of hostilities and prejudice.  The troops’ actions even led some of the hard-noosed military supporters within Israel to critize the IDF for using excessive force.

Page 187: to respond to the chorus of people calling for Israeli blood to atone for the death of my girls.  One said, “Don’t you hate Israelis?”  Which Israelis an I suppose to hate?  I replied. The doctors and nurses I work with?  The ones trying to save Ghadia’s life and Shatha’s eyesight? The babies I delivered?  Families like the Madmoonys who gave me work and shelter when I was a kid?

Page 188:  Didn’t I hate him?  Buts that’s how the system works here: we use hatred and blame to avoid the reality that eventually we need to come together.  As for the soldier who shelled my house, I believe that in hais conscience he has already punished himself, that he is asking himself, “What have I done?”

Page 193  In Jabalia City alone there was some five hundred thousand tons of rubble;  it looked like a cross between Sarajevo under siege and Afghanistan after the mujahedeen were finished with it.  The burned –out apartment buildings, the blackened shells that once were house, the gaping holes where windows had been that made the buildings still standing look like ghosts – it was all a testament to the overkill that comes with the hatred engendered by engaging in war.

My comment:  Notice how Izzeldin rises above the Israeli – Palestinian conflict and point to examples of war elsewhere.  It’s about hatred…period.

Page 194:  When I surveyed the wanton destruction, I couldn’t help but ask myself what on earth the soldiers thought they were doing.  Who made these decisions?  What were they thinking when they did this?  The IDF speaks about Qassam rockets; who was going to speak about this?

It was dubbed the Gaza War in the mainstream media, code-nameed Operation Cast Lead by the IDF, called the Gaza Massacre in the Arab world and the War in the South by the Israelis

Page 195:  South African judge Richard Goldston: He called the Israeli assault on Gaza “a deliberate disproportionate attack designed to punish, humiliate and terrorize a civilian population.”

He accused the Israeli military of carrying out direct attacks against civilians, including shooting civilians who were trying to leave their homes to walk to a safer place, waving white flags.  He blamed the IDF for the destruction of food production and of water and sewage facilities, and he accused them of being systematically reckless with their use of white phosphorous while bombing Gaza City and the Jabalia refugee camp. Of attacking hospitals and UN facilities, ad of rocketing a mosque during prayers.  But he also criticizewd Hamas for firing eight thousand rockets into Israel of the last eight years, calculated to kill civilians and damage civilian structures.

The Israeli government described the report as full of “propaganda and bias,” and Hamas said it was “political, imbalanced and dishonest.”

Page 196: The reaction of ordinary people strengthens the case for our need to talk to each other, to listen, to act.  And it reinforces my lifelong belief that out of bad comes something good.  Maybe now I really have to believe that; the alternative is too dark to consider.  My three precious daughters and my niece are dead.  Revenge, a disorder that is endemic in the Middle East, won’t Get them back for me.  It is important to Feel anger in the wake of events like this, anger that signals that you do not accept what has happened, that spurs you to make a difference.  But you have to choose not to spiral into hate.

All desire for revenge and hatred does is drive away wisdom, increase sorrow, and prolong strife.  The potential good that could come out of this soul-searching bad is that together we might bridge the fractious divide that has kept us apart. For six decades.

This catastrophe of deaths o f my daughters and niece has strengthened my thinking, deepened my belief about how to bridge the divide.  I understand down to my bones that violence is futile.  It is a waste of time, lives and resources, and has prove only to beget more violence.  It does not work.

There is only one way to bridge the divide, to live together, to realize the goals of two people: we have to find the light to guide us to our goal.

To find the light of truth, you have to talk, too listen to, and respect each other.  Instead of wasting energy on hatred, use it to open your eyes and see what’s really going on.  Surely, if we can see truth, we can live side by side.

Page 202:  As I have written earlier, women in this region have not been part of the discussion in civil society, but Palestinian women know about the sacrifice and suffering.  They know how to manage in the face of chaos.  It’s not that the women aren’t able to participate, the issue is that they have been denied the right to take part in discussions vital to our future.

Page 203:  I firmly believe that Palestine women can carry the torch of change into the future, but first they need to be released from the bondage that  culture, occupation, siege, and suffering have imposed upon them.  Empowerment means being independent and respected, and to create change in an entire society, women must be educated and empowered.

Page 204:  We must focus now on the lessons of tolerance and compromise, on hope,  on good deeds, on embracing our diversity, acknowledging our similarities, and saving lives.

Page 205:  It is well known that all it takes for evil to survive is for good people to do nothing.

The dignity of Palestinians equals the dignity of Israelis, and it is time to live in partnership and collaboration – there is no way backwards.

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